By Ian R. Thorpe
It is good to see many people in America are taking an interest in results of the elections to The European Parliament. Unsurprisingly, articles and comments at conservative blogs have been encouraged by the apparent swing to the right. Although this trend might not be quite what it seems, what is actually going on could be even more encouraging for those of us who reject government control freakery. The vote across Europe, with France and Greece being anomalies for local reasons, is not the usual swing of the pendulum from left to right. Although the turnout was historically low, the outcome represents a rejection of the move to create a European Federal Superstate.
First though, most people are interested in the “breakthrough” made by the “extreme right” British National Party in the UK. The political left and centre are getting their knickers in a right old twist about the election of two BNP Members to the European Parliament (MEP).
Is Fascism On the March in Europe Again? asked a headline today in one newspaper that should know better. Actually, if you stick your head out of the window on a quiet morning you can indeed hear the stomp of jackboots on concrete — but this is from the march of the Labour party’s authoritarianism, not the BNP’s two MEP’s out of a total 70 elected by the UK.
The nationalists actually did not do very well, their share of the vote only being up slightly on the last round of European elections. It was the collapse of the Labour vote in their traditional industrial heartland that really won seats for the BNP. Labour may have provided the Obama administration with many policies but those policies failed dismally in the 1930s, from 1945 to 50, 1964 to 1970, 1974 to 1979 and 1997 to present. There is a pattern, as the same ideology-driven policies result in the same economic catastrophe, but two things are different this time: First, instead of maintaining its image as the party of the working class, the current government has abandoned any pretense of being about anything but seeking power for its own sake; second, the industrial base that enabled Britain to climb back from a Labour spendfest has been dismantled. On the latter, our economy had become far too dependent on the housing market and financial services. Thus the traditional Labour voters feel their party has abandoned them n pursuit of politically correct middle class votes.
Having alienated the working classes, Labour tried to combat the threat posed in those working class constituencies where the BNP was well established by demonising the nationalist party. Unfortunately, the working class don’t see racism as the biggest problem facing the UK, nor do they consider using “racist” terms like Paki or Wog* as being racist. Herding millions of Jews into gas chambers is racist; using a disparaging word to describe somebody isn’t.
So, really, in Britain the ineptitude of the leftist Labour Party was responsible for the success of the BNP, which is not really an extremist party of the right. Other than their strong stance on immigration and a hard line on law and order, most of their policies would not be unpalatable to a traditional Labour supporter. The BNP and the other right wing parties with which they will align themselves in the European Parliament are there as a result of a wider rebellion.
Echoing the success of the BNP in Britain, among the groups gaining most was PVV, the anti – immigration party led by Geert Wilders, the Dutch politician recently banned from entering Britain because of his views on Islam and mass immigration. Germany’s Free Democrats, a libertarian group, showed well against the dominant centre-right Christian Democrats and centre-left Social Democrats. Both of the main parties are pro Europeanisation.
The real winners in the UK were the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP). Although this strongly anti-federalisation party did not increase their share of the vote by a great deal, they consolidated their position, finishing second to the Conservatives in numbers of MEPs. UKIP’s position is “if you love Europe you hate the EU” and their main campaign platform is built on resisting the transfer of legislative powers from elected bodies in the UK to appointed bureaucrats in Brussels. Other minor parties collectively took around 10 percent of the votes cast.
The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats did moderately well, the Conservative share of the vote increased but that was mainly dues to the decline of Labour. For the same reason the Liberal Democrats, not as tainted by the expenses scandals but seen in the public perception as Europhile, held their ground. Most telling in the assessment that the result was not a swing to the right but a vote against government by remote and unaccountable elites was the increased share going to The Greens, whose members, when not hugging trees, support decentralisation.
The direction in which the EU, led by Germany and France, has been going for many years leads towards a centralised bureaucratic dictatorship. The biggest step towards federalisation recently was the drafting of a European constitution which would have imposed a unified foreign and defence policy, standardisation of taxes, a Europe-wide immigration and employment policy, the reinforcement of the unpopular and stupendously expensive Common Agricultural Policy. The draft constitution was rejected in national referenda by the voters of France and the Netherlands.
European bureaucrats have a track record of not giving up on their aims, though. A couple of years after the defeat of the constitution, back they came with the Treaty of Lisbon, a watered down version of the European Constitution that aimed to introduce all its main provisions by a back-door route.
The Irish constitution demands a referendum on any treaty that might challenge Ireland’s constitutional commitment to neutrality. A treaty that imposed a common defence policy would do that of course, committing Ireland to supporting EU military adventures. The Irish voters defeated the treaty. Under the terms of the EU’s current constitution, the treaty of Lisbon was dead. In truth it was undead, the bureaucrats had buried it on a bed of earth from Transylvania so it could return from the grave. The EU commission and the Irish government told the voters, “we asked you a question and you got the wrong answer. We will have to hold another referendum and another and another until you get it right.”
The voters, you see, are not smart enough to understand the complex points at issue, especially when they are expressed in eurojargon incomprehensible even to an English graduate. Like myself.
The second Irish referendum on the Treaty Of Lisbon will be held in the autumn of this year.
It is this shift away from democracy to rule-by-committee that the results of the EU vote signify a rebellion against rather than a simple move to the right. Centre-left and centre-right parties tend to be equally in favour of centralisation and federalisation and bigger gravy trains. Those parties towards the fringe, UKIP and the BNP, Germany’s Free Democrats the Dutch PVV and parties in smaller states like Finland’s True Finns party which did extremely well are willing to discuss openly and in accessible terms the sensitive issues that concern ordinary people who are too busy making ends meet to massage their egos with affectations of academic detachment, issues like race, sectarianism and mass immigration and “who rules our country.”
This shift away from democracy is universal among New World Order political groupings. The Obamacrats have shown a preference for executive orders over congressional process, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown in Britain have favoured more and more appointed heads of departments in their administrations, their appointments and membership of The House Of Lords being granted as reward for “services” (aka generous donations) to the Labour Party. The emergence of UKIP then as a stable political force rather than a one issue fringe group is part of the same trend as saw the BNP succeed. People in Britain and around Europe are rejecting the politically collectivist thinking of the new elite and turning to candidates who speak their language.
At the G20 meeting in April, one of the attendees gave the game away. When asked how long it would take to bring the world out of recession by building a truly global economy this person (dammit, I’ve forgotten who it was) said, “Our task is not just to create a global economy but a global culture.”
*Wog (wogs, to be correct) is a mildly insulting reference to a person of the dark skinned races. It’s origin is an acronym from a pass issued to a native Worker On Government Service in the British colonies, permitting access to restricted areas.
Ian Thorpe is a British satirical writer. Before retiring at a rather tender age following a serious illness, he was a consultant specializing in integrated digital networks. His projects involved him in utilities, banking and finance, oil and chemicals and many branches of commerce and government. He currently maintains his own Web presence at Greenteeth Multi Media, and has been contributing at America’s Right since March 2009.